Showing posts with label Politics News. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Politics News. Show all posts

Friday, October 11, 2013

Where does all the money go , you ask.


Big bank fines aren’t working

The penalties are greater than ever, but financial firms keep turning profits -- while the rest of us pay

Big bank fines aren't working 
Jamie Dimon, CEO of JPMorgan Chase & Co.(Credit: AP/Paul Sakuma)
This article originally appeared on Alternet.
AlterNet If somebody broke into your home and stole your belongings, you’d expect to see some serious consequences if they got caught. But when banks and financial firms rob, defraud and mismanage the money of Americans—and even cast them out of their own homes illegally—the worst that usually happens is a fine.
Since the recent financial crisis and housing collapse, some of Wall Street’s biggest banks have faced fines from regulators reaching into billion-dollar territory. In the latest news, JPMorgan Chase is looking at $11 billion in fines for pushing crap mortgage securities on unwary investors.
That sounds like a hefty amount of cash—it’s about the gross domestic product of Kenya, and tops that of Iceland and Bahrain. As journalist Pat Garafalo has noted, $11 billion is equal to what all the major banks paid together in 2012. The sum would be the largest single financial fine in history, if in fact it ever is paid (JPMorgan Chase is reported to be in negotiations that might reduce it).
So what happens to all that dough? Will it really change anything?
Let’s follow the money trail.
Who gets fined, and for what?
Investigators from the SEC, the U.S. Justice Department, a smorgasbord of state governments, and other regulatory agencies have been fining financial institutions for everything from concealing risky products, to illegally kicking soldiers out of their homes, to trying to scam bailout money.
The SEC has a list of firms whose activity “led to or arose from” the financial crisis on its website. It tells you what they have been charged with, what fines have been sought and what has been paid. The list is pretty long. Here’s just a small sample of the 161 entities and individuals charged for a grand total of $2.73 billion collected so far in settlements:
  • Goldman Sachs: Charged with conning investors on a financial product tied to subprime mortgages as the U.S. housing market started tanking. Goldman agreed to pay a record penalty in $550 million settlement and reform its business practices. A jury found former Goldman Sachs vice-president Fabrice Tourre liable for fraud.


  • Citigroup: The SEC charged the company and two executives with misleading investors about exposure to subprime mortgage assets. Citigroup paid a $75 million penalty to settle charges, and the executives also paid penalties.
  • Bank of America: Charged with misleading investors about billions of dollars in bonuses being paid to Merrill Lynch executives at the time of its acquisition of the firm, and failing to disclose ginormous losses that Merrill sustained. BofA paid $150 million to settle charges.
Now, keep in mind that so far we’re only talking about the SEC, which deals with various kinds of market scammers like inside traders, accounting fraudsters, and crooks who dupe investors.
If you start going through all the various agencies and the frauds they deal with, you may feel as if you’ve plunged into the 9 Circles of Financial Hell.
The U.S. Commodity Futures Trading Commission has its own list of enforcement actions, which covers hustlers who screw around with futures and option markets. Then there’s the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, which deals with jerks who rip off consumers with products like credit cards and criminals who take kickbacks that raise prices on things like mortgage payments.  Over at the Department of Justice, they watch out for your price-fixers, your rate-riggers, and your money launderers. The Office of the Comptroller of the Currency handles swindlers of the sort who steal your financial info and make up phony investment programs, along with debt collectors. And so on.
There’s a good bit of overlap between regulators, and when there’s a big scam afoot, several agencies will often file suit against the same company.
Where does the money go?
That’s the billion-dollar question. Regulators love to brag about all the money they extract from financial transgressors, which comes in the form of various fines and “disgorgements” (returns of wrongful profits) to settle charges.
But does the money go to victims? Does it end up in the Treasury? Do regulators use it to fund more investigations? Buy snazzy new furniture for the office? The answers are not always easy to come by.
Let’s take a look at JPMorgan. This year alone, the megabank has paid $3.68 billion to settle various criminal probes into stuff ranging from manipulating electricity markets to ripping off credit card customers. A big fish was the “London Whale” debacle in which over $7 billion vanished due to risky derivatives bets.For its failed risk management and unsafe practices related to that Moby Dick of a f*ck up, JPMorgan is settling for $920 million. Out of that particular amount, $200 million will go to the SEC, and another $200 million to the Federal Reserve Board. The Office of the Comptroller of the Currency will receive $300 million, while the British regulator will get $220 million.
And we still haven’t gotten to the $11 billion whopper JPMorgan may have to pay out to end mortgage-bond investigations by federal and state authorities. That lump sum would presumably take care of all of the charges and would reportedly include $4 billion for relief for people who lost their houses and so on. The rest would go to pay various penalties. Where that $7 billion or so ultimately goes depends on what agency you’re talking about, and the particulars of the case.
I contacted the Department of Justice to find out how it handled fines, and no one returned my messages. (Perhaps during the shutdown, justice has been put on hold—or maybe that already happened when Attorney General Eric Holder admitted that banks had gotten too big to jail.) In any case, a former DOJ officer, Billy Jacobson, has gone on record as saying that the fines don’t pay for coffee and donuts for investigators. Instead, the money has to go the U.S. Treasury. Restitution for victims is rare, and constitutes a trivial amount of what the DOJ brings in. In 2011 the DOJ took in $2 billion in judgments and settlements, and only $116 million went to restitution.
At the SEC, I got hold of a spokesperson who tersely informed me that money collected from fines does not ever come back to the agency, but rather goes into the Treasury’s general fund. Anything else would violate the agencies’ statutes.
The Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002 also directed the SEC to create something called the Fair Fund, which in some cases, distributes monies collected from fines and disgorgements to investors. So if you invested in a company like, say, Enron, you might end up seeing some of your money returned, though rarely all of it, and the process can take years. If you happen to own stock in a company or owned a mutual fund that has been charged by the SEC, you can check the SEC website to see if there’s a settlement fund. Only a small portion of what’s in the Fair Fund has been returned to investors, so don’t hold your breath.
Some have complained that money from fines goes back to the regulatory agencies to launch further investigations, which creates a parasitic relationship between regulators and those they pursue. Barry Ritholtz of the Big Picture was recently quoted in Yahoo Finance on this point: “Only a portion of the settlements collected go to the actual victims,” stated Ritholtz. “For the most part the money is used to fund more investigations.” When I asked him for particulars, Ritholtz first told me to “Google it” but when I pressed him, he sent me the SEC’s 156-page financial report from 2012. When I read over this bloated document, it seemed to contradict Ritholtz’s statement. Perhaps he sees something in 156 pages that I don’t —alas, he did not respond to further inquiries.
I continued my quest to follow the money by calling up the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau. The folks at the CFPB were the most helpful so far, and explained that when the bureau collects civil penalties, it drops them into something called the Civil Penalty Fund, which was established by the Dodd Frank legislation in 2010. The bureau will use the money in the Civil Penalty Fund to provide some compensation to victims, an amount which depends on various factors such as how much the victim has gotten from other sources.  When the CFPB can’t find the victim or determines, for whatever reason, that it’s not “practicable” to pay them, the money goes to “consumer education” and “financial literacy programs.” That last bit is a little vague.
In the end, we seem to have a large chunk of money from fines and penalties going to the U.S. Treasury, which, if you’re a deficit hawk, ought to cheer you. But the amount going to victims, though on the rise, still appears to be inadequate.
Case in point: 10 megabanks, including Citi, JPMorgan Chase, and Bank of America, will have to fork over $3.3 billion in direct payments to customers who were in foreclosure during 2009 and 2010. That adds up to about $125,000 for each person who was foreclosed on even though they were up to date with their mortgage payments. Does that amount really cover the horrific cost of being kicked out of your home, losing equity, and all the other costs and inconveniences that go along with such a cataclysmic disruption? Some victims are saying no, it doesn’t, by a long shot.
Who pays the fines?
Technically, the banks or financial entities charged pay the fines. Much has been made of an aspect of corporate tax law that allows companies to write off disgorgements when they pay Uncle Sam. The Washington Post reports that the law lets the companies off the hook for millions of dollars in tax payments. Some bloggers have leapt to the idea that a big bank can write off fines, but that is not true at all, because fines are not the same thing as disgorgements.
Here’s how disgorgement works: If you’re a crook and you get your money from illegal activity you then pay taxes on, what you’ve really done is inflated your income and assets to the government because that money actually didn’t belong to you in the first place. If disgorgement happens, then you have to hand over the money you made from your shady activity. From a technical accounting perspective, you shouldn’t be taxed on the money because it was never yours, and the taxes you paid must be returned. This obviously doesn’t sit well in the gut for many folks, but instead of arguing this particular point, perhaps what we should really be doing is insisting that the fines should be much bigger—because right now, they aren’t big enough to hurt.
The banks are very clever about things like fines, and in some cases, they actually have ways of making you pay for them. When HSBC got hit with a giant money-laundering fine, customers got letters soon after noting certain “changes.” HSBC, for no reason it cared to explain, would be taking longer to deposit monies into accounts. What the bank was really doing was increasing the “float,” or soaking up interest on the money in between the time you deposit a check into your account and the moment it shows up there. Was there any link between the money-laundering fine and what happened to your account? Makes you wonder. It did not make the Federal Reserve wonder, though.
What if you decided to go after a bank yourself for harmful activity? Alexander Eichler at the Huffington Post has pointed out that there’s some very interesting fine print on fines buried way down in the terms-and-conditions agreements you have to sign when you open a bank account with big names like HSBC, TD Bank, and PNC Bank. Basically, if there’s any legal disputes over your account, and the bank has to fork over any fees, like attorney fees and so on, you get to pay them. In other words, if you sue your bank over a credit card dispute, you may have to pay for the bank’s losses, even if you win.
Here’s HSBC’s clause: “You agree to be liable to the bank for any losses, costs or expenses the bank incurs as a result of any dispute involving your account. You authorize the bank to deduct any such losses, costs or expenses from your account without prior notice to you.” The LA Times reports that though the practice is on shaky legal ground, what it’s really intended to do is scare consumers out of taking a bank to court.
Such is the peculiar reality in our banks-gone-wild universe.
In fact, taxpayers are paying for big banks to make all those heady profits and enabling their bad behavior through our subsidies. The megabanks can borrow money at a lower rate because creditors assume the government, on behalf of taxpayers, will come to the rescue in an emergency. Ironically, this subsidy only encourages them to engage in more risky behavior, for which we all end up paying.
What’s the goal of the fines, anyway?
Good question. Nobody really seems to know. In theory, disgorgements are a remedy for misdeeds, whereas fines are a punishment. But the punishment in many cases does not fit the crimes, which have wreaked havoc on the entire economy and caused job losses, vanished savings and pensions, and lost homes for millions of blameless people. Fines may sometimes force a company out of business, but most of time, those paying the big bucks barely bat an eye.
In case you hadn’t noticed, bank profits are up.
Despite JPMorgan’s potential $11 billion hit, the company stock has barely registered the fine. Maybe that’s because the fine, though large, would only amount to about two quarters worth of profits. Or because no one really believes a sum like that will ever be paid.
In any event, banks like settlements because they save a lot of hassle. Settling matters outside of the court system means that they usually don’t have to admit wrongdoing, they save money on legal fees, and they avoid juries, which may be in the mood to get a lot tougher on them than your friendly neighborhood regulator. This is true not just for banks, but all across the corporate sector. Big Pharma has gotten hit with big fines, too, for things like fraudulent marketing practicies. Hasn’t slowed them down a bit.
I spoke to banking expert Walker Todd of the American Institute for Economic Research, and he noted that though there has been a movement to get banks to at least admit wrongdoing when they settle, these admissions typically fall short of owning up to criminal guilt. When firms admit to criminal guilt, then they are open to lawsuits, and if they end up in court, they can’t deny what they’ve already admitted as facts.
Until they are truly forced to admit their crimes, or have to pay penalties that exceed their profits, banks have little to fear.
Are fines just the cost of doing business?
The Obama administration has not been very eager to pursue full-blown court cases with corporations or send executives to jail. When criminal charges ensue, they often involve lower-level employees who take the hit while the company and the big honchos go unscathed. The fines are paid and everybody goes back to business as usual.
The New York Times noted in an editorial that in the case of UBS, which was involved in the LIBOR rate-rigging scandal, a subsidiary got hit with a $100 million fine and two former traders of various criminal acts could wind up in jail. Sounds good—until you realize, as the Times observes, that a “subsidiary’s plea on a single criminal charge appears to shield the parent company and the prosecution of two traders appears to shield their managers.”
In other words, crush the small fry and let the big fish go.
What is clear is that fines, even the biggest ones, do little to deter criminal activity. Big banks appear to be simply calculating fines into their business models: fines, after all, don’t exceed profits, and in this scenario, what do you think the incentive is for banks to cease their fraudulent and criminal activity? If you answered, “none whatsoever,” you are likely correct.
Bank fines are simply baked into financial business. Until fines are much, much bigger and perpetrators at the top face the possibility of prosecution, the crime spree will go on.

Monday, September 9, 2013

“Ah, if we could only clone her." Elizabeth Warren,

In a speech at an AFL-CIO convention on Sunday, Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) criticized the Supreme Court for being too right-wing and serving the interests of Big Business over the needs of Americans.
In voicing her support for the labor movement and promoting an agenda aimed at defending working families, Warren warned of conservative-leaning justices and a "corporate capture of the federal courts."
“You follow this pro-corporate trend to its logical conclusion, and sooner or later you’ll end up with a Supreme Court that functions as a wholly owned subsidiary of big business,” Warren said.
Warren said that Wall Street and major corporations are making it difficult for labor leaders to enact financial reform.
“The big banks and their army of lobbyists have fought every step of the way to delay, water down, block or strike down regulations,” Warren said. “When a new approach is proposed -– like my bill with John McCain, Angus King and Maria Cantwell to bring back Glass-Steagall -– you know what happens. They throw everything they’ve got against it."
“I believe that if people would be opposed to a particular trade agreement, then that trade agreement should not happen," she said.
Warren was citing a bipartisan bill aimed at separating lending and trading.
"Despite the progress we've made since 2008, the biggest banks continue to threaten the economy," Warren said in a written statement defending the bill. "The four biggest banks are now 30 percent larger than they were just five years ago, and they have continued to engage in dangerous, high-risk practices that could once again put our economy at risk."
After Warren concluded her speech, AFL-CIO President Richard Trumka praised the senator, saying, “Ah, if we could only clone her.”

Friday, August 23, 2013

Elizabeth Warren’s secret: The Salon interview


The senator tells Salon how one senator can wield tremendous power -- and (kind of) addresses those '16 rumors

Elizabeth Warren's secret: The Salon interviewMassachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren (Credit: Reuters/Eric Thayer)
It’s been well-documented that the 113th Congress specializes in getting nothing consequential done. While the nation’s supply of named post offices is apparently well-stocked, anything more critical has generally stalled out, with little hope to break the gridlock.
So let’s say you’re a high-profile freshman senator walking into this den of inertia, and you want to make your large following proud and advance your agenda, but you’re in no position to do that legislatively? How do you, Elizabeth Warren, find your way through this minefield, and even chalk up successes?
“It’s all about learning to use the new tools,” Warren told Salon in an interview this week. “In the Senate, there are more tools in the toolbox than are obvious.” Warren, now the senior senator from Massachusetts (Ed Markey, with a 37-year congressional career, is the junior member), has employed those more unconventional tools effectively, doing her part to both change the conversation around the financial industry inside and outside Washington, and change the sharpness of the regulatory response to financial misdeeds.
Warren sits on the Senate Banking Committee, which has marked up all of two bills so far this year (she played a role in both, passing an amendment to a national insurance licensing bill and working closely with the committee leadership on reforming the Federal Housing Administration). But she has really shone in oversight hearings, where she has gained a reputation for offering uncomfortable questions to regulatory officials about their lack of prosecuting criminal activity on Wall Street.  “Too big to fail has become too big for trial,” she said at a hearing in February. “How big do the biggest banks have to get before we consider breaking them up?” she asked Treasury Secretary Jack Lew in May. And she’s used the bully pulpit outside the hearing room, too, schooling CNBC anchors so badly on the history of financial regulation that the network forced the clip to be removed from YouTube.

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This creates a consequence for the regulators for lax enforcement. Nobody wants to end up on the business end of an Elizabeth Warren viral video, and the hope is that the prodding will spur the regulators into action, or at least keep them alert. “There’s a lot that banking regulators can do to make the system safer without Congress passing any new laws,” Warren told Salon. “But only if they do their jobs. It’s about accountability in both directions. The largest financial institutions should be held accountable, and so should the regulators.”
She added, “They are not there to serve the banks, they are there to serve the public. I’m reminded of that when we have public hearings. I try to ask questions that the public wants to hear.”
This extends beyond the occasional badgering of witnesses (“I beg your pardon,” said Warren when I termed it that way, though she misunderstood, as I have a great affection for badgering). In one of her first major actions, Warren opened an investigation into the Independent Foreclosure Review, which was supposed to review every foreclosure from 2009-2010 for errors, but ended up so botched (the banks picked their own reviewers) that regulators shut it down and gave wronged homeowners a seemingly random amount of cash compensation, typically around $300. Warren demanded information on how the aborted reviews were conducted, what they found and how regulators arrived at the final penalties. After a series of embarrassing hearings on the subject, last month Federal Reserve chairman Ben Bernanke promised the release of some details, though none have yet come out.
Other agencies have come to expect Warren’s queries. Just yesterday, she asked the Justice Department about why it settled with five large banks who submitted fraudulent mortgage insurance claims to the FHA for $225 million, when based on the number of claims made public in a government report, the damages could have been as high as $37 billion. That comes out to a settlement for 0.6 percent of potential damages.
Warren has had more luck with the Securities and Exchange Commission, which she previously criticized for generating settlements with giant financial institutions on securities fraud and other violations without making the guilty party admit wrongdoing. Corporations can’t stand this because they expose themselves to future litigation, could suffer reputational risk and even lose their banking licenses. But putting this price on misconduct could have a tremendous deterrent effect (in addition, fines in cases where the defendant admits wrongdoing are not tax deductible).
The Massachusetts senator used both hearings and a series of letters to new SEC chairwoman Mary Jo White to question the policy. This has borne fruit: White announced a new settlement policy that will require admissions of guilt in more cases. “I’m very optimistic about the direction Mary Jo White is taking the SEC,” Warren said. “She didn’t make a generalized ‘we’re going to get tough’ statement, she identified a class of cases in which the agency would take a different position, with harsher consequences for companies that don’t cooperate.”
“Commissioner White is showing some real spirit,” Warren added. “She has come in and made it clear that it’s a new day in town.”
Just this week, hedge fund manager Philip Falcone admitted wrongdoing in a settlement over improper use of funds at Harbinger Capital, the first individual to do so since White announced the new policy. While Falcone didn’t admit to liability on specific violations of law, Warren called it a “step in the right direction,” and an indication that “the SEC is a watchdog that’s starting to show some teeth.”
So while critics call Warren’s verbal jabs mere showboating, combined with her persistence they have had a tangible impact, both exposing some bank-friendly regulators and spurring others to better alternatives. “Those who criticize her for being all talk and no achievements don’t understand the Senate,” said Jeff Connaughton, a former chief of staff to Sen. Ted Kaufman who wrote an appreciation of Warren earlier this year. “I think she and others have made regulators think twice about how kid glove treatment of the banks will look in a harsh Senate spotlight.”
Warren has also done plenty of unsung work in her freshman year. She actually has the highest attendance at Banking Committee proceedings so far this year, making 27 out of 35 hearings and executive sessions, more than chairman Tim Johnson or ranking member Mike Crapo. And in hearings, she almost always stays from start to finish, learning from her fellow members’ questioning and often tailoring hers to cover a different subject area. “I learn a lot from those hearings,” Warren said. “Not everyone is engaged, but there’s a core of people really interested in the issues and really driving them.”
The freshman senator named her Banking Committee colleagues Sherrod Brown and Jeff Merkley as part of this core group. (She even had nice words to say for Republican Bob Corker, whom she has worked with on the future of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac “since before I was a senator.”) Another reformer, Carl Levin, has made a habit of using his Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations to delve into issues of financial crimes, most recently with the “London Whale” trade by JPMorgan Chase. Levin’s report was instrumental in the criminal indictments of two ex-traders at the bank for hiding losses and lying to regulators and investors. “Progress on the London Whale and admit or deny has come because of three or four determined senators and despite two captured committees,” argued Jeff Connaughton.
The increased scrutiny has a cumulative effect. When one regulatory agency like the SEC changes its policy, it provokes other agencies to consider toughening theirs. When one senator points the way toward more provocative questioning of the broken regulatory response to a tsunami of financial crimes, other senators want in on the act. “She has elevated ‘the game’ of other senators,” said Bartlett Naylor of Public Citizen. “No longer can her peers survive a committee hearing on a one-minute staff briefing before asking a question written for them, if it might be at odds with one of her positions.”
Warren is hoping such momentum-building will play out in her first banking legislation, which would reinstate the Depression-era “Glass-Steagall” protections separating commercial banking (like taking deposits and making loans) from investment banking (like trading derivatives and other Wall Street casino gambling pursuits). Critics allege that the Glass-Steagall repeal had nothing to do with the financial crisis. But in a system where those duties are separated, Warren believes, regulators would have an easier time at their jobs. “They wouldn’t have to develop expertise in multiple lines of business,” she said. “The SEC can oversee the non-bank institutions, and bank regulators could focus on the safety of banks.” While all big legislation faces a long road in a divided Washington, Warren partnered with Republican John McCain, Democrat Maria Cantwell and Independent Angus King on the Glass-Steagall bill to raise its profile, using an outside-inside approach. “We’re two freshmen and two members not on the Banking Committee,” Warren said, “and we got together to make this a more urgent issue.”
Regardless of the eventual outcome of that bill, Warren has learned that a senator has power if he or she knows how to wield it. As for how else she can make an impact, Jeff Connaughton has a suggestion. “Run for president.”
I asked if she had any reaction to that kind of buzz. The senator had a pat response. “No!”
Read the full transcript of our conversation here.

Thursday, August 15, 2013

Your mortgage documents are fake!

Your mortgage documents are fake!Lynn Szymoniak (Credit: CBS News/60 MInutes)
If you know about foreclosure fraud, the mass fabrication of mortgage documents in state courts by banks attempting to foreclose on homeowners, you may have one nagging question: Why did banks have to resort to this illegal scheme? Was it just cheaper to mock up the documents than to provide the real ones? Did banks figure they simply had enough power over regulators, politicians and the courts to get away with it? (They were probably right about that one.)
A newly unsealed lawsuit, which banks settled in 2012 for $95 million, actually offers a different reason, providing a key answer to one of the persistent riddles of the financial crisis and its aftermath. The lawsuit states that banks resorted to fake documents because they could not legally establish true ownership of the loans when trying to foreclose.
This reality, which banks did not contest but instead settled out of court, means that tens of millions of mortgages in America still lack a legitimate chain of ownership, with implications far into the future. And if Congress, supported by the Obama administration, goes back to the same housing finance system, with the same corrupt private entities who broke the nation’s private property system back in business packaging mortgages, then shame on all of us.
The 2011 lawsuit was filed in U.S. District Court in both North and South Carolina, by a white-collar fraud specialist named Lynn Szymoniak, on behalf of the federal government, 17 states and three cities. Twenty-eight banks, mortgage servicers and document processing companies are named in the lawsuit, including mega-banks like JPMorgan Chase, Wells Fargo, Citi and Bank of America.
Szymoniak, who fell into foreclosure herself in 2009, researched her own mortgage documents and found massive fraud (for example, one document claimed that Deutsche Bank, listed as the owner of her mortgage, acquired ownership in October 2008, four months after they first filed for foreclosure). She eventually examined tens of thousands of documents, enough to piece together the entire scheme.
A mortgage has two parts: the promissory note (the IOU from the borrower to the lender) and the mortgage, which creates the lien on the home in case of default. During the housing bubble, banks bought loans from originators, and then (in a process known as securitization) enacted a series of transactions that would eventually pool thousands of mortgages into bonds, sold all over the world to public pension funds, state and municipal governments and other investors. A trustee would pool the loans and sell the securities to investors, and the investors would get an annual percentage yield on their money.

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In order for the securitization to work, banks purchasing the mortgages had to physically convey the promissory note and the mortgage into the trust. The note had to be endorsed (the way an individual would endorse a check), and handed over to a document custodian for the trust, with a “mortgage assignment” confirming the transfer of ownership. And this had to be done before a 90-day cutoff date, with no grace period beyond that.
Georgetown Law professor Adam Levitin spelled this out in testimony before Congress in 2010: “If mortgages were not properly transferred in the securitization process, then mortgage-backed securities would in fact not be backed by any mortgages whatsoever.”
The lawsuit alleges that these notes, as well as the mortgage assignments, were “never delivered to the mortgage-backed securities trusts,” and that the trustees lied to the SEC and investors about this. As a result, the trusts could not establish ownership of the loan when they went to foreclose, forcing the production of a stream of false documents, signed by “robo-signers,” employees using a bevy of corporate titles for companies that never employed them, to sign documents about which they had little or no knowledge.
Many documents were forged (the suit provides evidence of the signature of one robo-signer, Linda Green, written eight different ways), some were signed by “officers” of companies that went bankrupt years earlier, and dozens of assignments listed as the owner of the loan “Bogus Assignee for Intervening Assignments,” clearly a template that was never changed. One defendant in the case, Lender Processing Services, created masses of false documents on behalf of the banks, often using fake corporate officer titles and forged signatures. This was all done to establish standing to foreclose in courts, which the banks otherwise could not.
Szymoniak stated in her lawsuit that, “Defendants used fraudulent mortgage assignments to conceal that over 1400 MBS trusts, each with mortgages valued at over $1 billion, are missing critical documents,” meaning that at least $1.4 trillion in mortgage-backed securities are, in fact, non-mortgage-backed securities. Because of the strict laws governing of these kinds of securitizations, there’s no way to make the assignments after the fact. Activists have a name for this: “securitization FAIL.”
One smoking gun piece of evidence in the lawsuit concerns a mortgage assignment dated Feb. 9, 2009, after the foreclosure of the mortgage in question was completed. According to the suit, “A typewritten note on the right hand side of the document states:  ‘This Assignment of Mortgage was inadvertently not recorded prior to the Final Judgment of Foreclosure… but is now being recorded to clear title.’”
This admission confirms that the mortgage assignment was not made before the closing date of the trust, invalidating ownership. The suit further argued that “the act of fabricating the assignments is evidence that the MBS Trust did not own the notes and/or the mortgage liens for some assets claimed to be in the pool.”
The federal government, states and cities joined the lawsuit under 25 counts of the federal False Claims Act and state-based versions of the law. All of them bought mortgage-backed securities from banks that never conveyed the mortgages or notes to the trusts. The plaintiffs argued that, considering that trustees and servicers had to spend lots of money forging and fabricating documents to establish ownership, they were materially harmed by the subsequent impaired value of the securities. Also, these investors (which includes the Treasury Department and the Federal Reserve) paid for the transfer of mortgages to the trusts, yet they were never actually transferred.
Finally, the lawsuit argues that the federal government was harmed by “payments made on mortgage guarantees to Defendants lacking valid notes and assignments of mortgages who were not entitled to demand or receive said payments.”
Despite Szymoniak seeking a trial by jury, the government intervened in the case, and settled part of it at the beginning of 2012, extracting $95 million from the five biggest banks in the suit (Wells Fargo, Bank of America, JPMorgan Chase, Citi and GMAC/Ally Bank). Szymoniak herself was awarded $18 million. But the underlying evidence was never revealed until the case was unsealed last Thursday.
Now that it’s unsealed, Szymoniak, as the named plaintiff, can go forward and prove the case. Along with her legal team (which includes the law firm of Grant & Eisenhoffer, which has recovered more money under the False Claims Act than any firm in the country), Szymoniak can pursue discovery and go to trial against the rest of the named defendants, including HSBC, the Bank of New York Mellon, Deutsche Bank and US Bank.
The expenses of the case, previously borne by the government, now are borne by Szymoniak and her team, but the percentages of recovery funds are also higher. “I’m really glad I was part of collecting this money for the government, and I’m looking forward to going through discovery and collecting the rest of it,” Szymoniak told Salon.
It’s good that the case remains active, because the $95 million settlement was a pittance compared to the enormity of the crime. By the end of 2009, private mortgage-backed securities trusts held one-third of all residential mortgages in the U.S. That means that tens of millions of home mortgages worth trillions of dollars have no legitimate underlying owner that can establish the right to foreclose. This hasn’t stopped banks from foreclosing anyway with false documents, and they are often successful, a testament to the breakdown of law in the judicial system. But to this day, the resulting chaos in disentangling ownership harms homeowners trying to sell these properties, as well as those trying to purchase them. And it renders some properties impossible to sell.
To this day, banks foreclose on borrowers using fraudulent mortgage assignments, a legacy of failing to prosecute this conduct and instead letting banks pay a fine to settle it. This disappoints Szymoniak, who told Salon the owner of these loans is now essentially “whoever lies the most convincingly and whoever gets the benefit of doubt from the judge.” Szymoniak used her share of the settlement to start the Housing Justice Foundation, a non-profit that attempts to raise awareness of the continuing corruption of the nation’s courts and land title system.
Most of official Washington, including President Obama, wants to wind down mortgage giants Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, and return to a system where private lenders create securitization trusts, packaging pools of loans and selling them to investors. Government would provide a limited guarantee to investors against catastrophic losses, but the private banks would make the securities, to generate more capital for home loans and expand homeownership.
That’s despite the evidence we now have that, the last time banks tried this, they ignored the law, failed to convey the mortgages and notes to the trusts, and ripped off investors trying to cover their tracks, to say nothing of how they violated the due process rights of homeowners and stole their homes with fake documents.
The very same banks that created this criminal enterprise and legal quagmire would be in control again. Why should we view this in any way as a sound public policy, instead of a ticking time bomb that could once again throw the private property system, a bulwark of capitalism and indeed civilization itself, into utter disarray? As Lynn Szymoniak puts it, “The President’s calling for private equity to return. Why would we return to this?”
Update: This story previously suggested that banks settled this lawsuit with the federal government for $1 billion. That number is actually the total for a number of whistle-blower lawsuits that were folded into a larger National Mortgage Settlement. This specific lawsuit settled for $95 million. The post above has been changed to reflect this fact.